Analysing Mozambique’s commitment to democracy

Is democracy in Mozambique simply a strategy to win support from donors? What do the urban middle class think of the ideological shift within the Liberation Front of Mozambique (Frelimo), the political party that led the country to independence in 1975? Do they support multiparty democracy and economic liberalisation?

Areport from the London School of Economics, in the UK, examines the politicalattitudes of the middle class in the Mozambican capital, Maputo.

When Frelimotriumphed after an 11-year war against the Portuguese colonialpower, the then socialist movement viewed the urban population with suspicion. Theyfeared that ‘urbanites’ had been ‘contaminated’ by colonial bourgeois culture andnot ‘cleansed’ by participation in the liberation struggle.

However, urbanites soonbecame a strong base of support for the regime, as they took over the technicaland professional jobs left vacant after the Portuguese left. In a country whereonly a small minority of the population were able to read and write, Frelimo neededanyone with the skills to ensure the new nation could function. These measures resultedin a period of great social mobility.

This alliance isincreasingly strained, however. Economic deregulation adversely affected themiddle class, as the currency was devalued, salaries frozen and subsidiesremoved. Liberalisation is supposed to provide political legitimacy, separatethe state from the economy and create space for entrepreneurs. In reality thestate remains the ultimate source of the Maputoelite’s power. While some members of the Frelimo elite may have left activepolitics, their substantial economic interests depend on political influenceand are sustained by social networks that link an emerging bourgeoisie and thestate.

Democracy was introduced moreto legitimise the government with the international community than for itscitizens. Donors now provide around 60 percent of the government’s budget and foreignersmay influence local political decisions by threatening to withhold aid.

The paper describes how:

• Civil servants now find it hard to live on their salaries.
• Corruption has grown as restrictions against personal enrichment amongstthe Frelimo elite have lessened.
• Those with connections get the well-paid jobs with international agencies.
• Members of the elite can call on a wide range of friends and family whohold, or have held, high positions in aid agencies, newly privatised businessesand the government on an almost rotating basis.

While most of the middle class enjoy some aspects of the liberal period,they are frustrated that they do not share its benefits. The researcher questionswhether Mozambiquecan develop into a stable democracy considering that most middle class urbanitesare convinced that:

• The prosperity they have achieved isinsignificant in comparison to that of the elite.
• Social mobility is increasingly blocked.
• Democratisation has not ‘opened up’ thepolitical system but instead allowed the former socialist hierarchy totransform into a rigid class structure.
• There is little ideological differencebetween the political parties.
• Frelimo regards securing internallegitimacy as secondary to securing external support.
• Donors are, in effect, promoting andrewarding corruption.