The livelihoods of ‘adivasi’ women in south India

In Kerela, India, the state leads some notable development initiatives. But the many dimensions of deprivation within indigenous communities are under-researched, particularly in relation to women. More responsive measures can only developed through a better understanding of poverty. This is particularly the case for the historically neglected ‘adivasi’ (meaning ‘original inhabitants’).

A paper from the Brooks World PovertyInstitute, in the UK, argues the ability of ‘adivasi’to manage their assets depends on specific vulnerabilities. These are gendered,that is, they affect men and women differently. But development processes andpolicies have considered all indigenous livelihoods as primitive. The ‘adivasi’ of Kerala, especially women, have not benefited likeother groups in the state.

Similar to other indigenous peoples across the world, the ‘adivasi’ of India (officially known as Scheduled Tribes)are disproportionately affected by poverty. Their livelihoods are affected by historical issues,including contested land rights and exploitation by mainstream society.

Gender relations affect all aspects ofpoverty. Girls receive less food, healthcare and education, and have lessaccess to assets. It is harder for women to transform their capabilities intoincomes or wellbeing, and they are mostly engaged in unpaid household work.

While developmental progress and thecommendable social status of women in Kerala have received much attention, the authorfinds that across different ‘adivasi’ communities:

• The incidence of poverty is about three times that of the totalpopulation of the state; as in the rest of India, ‘adivasi’have been dispossessed of their land.
• As landless labourers, ‘adivasi’are badly affected by the decline of agriculture, which has led to lower wages anda decreased demand, especially for women.
• Men mostly migrate for work but women are especially vulnerable toforced migration and sexual exploitation.
• Women are also socially vulnerable to dowry practices, widespread abuseof alcohol and betel leaves, and dependency on food rations.

The causes of such vulnerability anddeprivation are primarily economic and structural. The factors that maintain chronic,intergenerational poverty affect women more and relate to debt, discriminationand exploitation. How‘adivasi’ manage their assets determines whether theycan change the factors that keep them poor:

• Most ‘adivasi’ have little or no land, and fewpractice cultivation due to poor water supply, wild animal attacks, time spentin wage labour, and weak government support.
• Most men do not own physical assets; some women get loans to buylivestock through self-help groups.
• Financial assets mainly consist of income from seasonal waged labour, although borrowing in cash and kind is alsopracticed.
• ‘adivasi’ communitiesdo not recognise human capital (such as education) asimportant; the school drop-out rates for girls is very high.
• Political and social participation in mainstream society by ‘adivasi’ is limited, sporadic and internally conflicted.
• ‘adivasi’ youth areinvolved in criminal activities for which they are victimised;wider ‘adivasi’ society bears the associated stigma.

Sensitive policies and responsive institutionsare needed, which recognise the differences among ‘adivasi’ groups and their specific gender relations.