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Settling after the revolts Egypt’s political settlements and violent transition
Institute of Development Studies UK, 2014The uprisings in the Arab region generated much hope among significant proportions of the population that a rupture with the status quo would herald a new era marked by bread, freedom and social justice/human dignity, the catchphrase of many of the revolts.DocumentChinese economic and trade co-operation zones in Africa: facing the challenges
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2012The idea of exporting Chinese special economic zones to Africa was adopted as an official policy within the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) framework at the third meeting held in Beijing in 2006, when President Hu Jintao formally announced the establishment of three to five Economic and Trade Co-operation Zones (ETCZs) on the continent as one of the targets of FOCAC’s 2007DocumentGender, water and sanitation case studies on best practices
2006During its 58th Session, the United Nations General Assembly declared the period 2005-2015 the International Decade for Action ‘Water for Life’.DocumentThe third wave of development players
Fride, 2010The Millennium Development Goals Summit in September 2010 showed a third group of a new group of development providers has quietly entered the stage. Complementing the traditional DAC donors and the big emerging economies, the CIVETS group encompassed Colombia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, Turkey and South Africa, bringing a new wave of development partnerships?DocumentWhat would a feminist CCT programme Look Like?
Institute of Development Studies UK, 2013The Ain es-Sira Conditional Cash Transfers (CCT) pilot progamme in Egypt is one of the first of its kind to be launched in the Arab world. The programme works with ultra-poor families, especially mothers and female heads of households with school-aged children, in the Cairene slum of Ain es-Sira.DocumentContextualising the economic pathways of women’s empowerment findings from a multi-country research programme
Institute of Development Studies UK, 2011Women’s paid work has featured in the development literature for two main reasons. The instrumental reason relates to its potential to contribute to a variety of development goals, from poverty reduction to human development to economic growth. The intrinsic reason is its potential to transform the lives of women and girls by addressing gender inequalities on a wide variety of fronts.DocumentContextualising the Economic Pathways of Women’s Empowerment Findings from a Multi-Country Research Programme
Institute of Development Studies, Sussex [ES], 2011Women’s paid work has featured in the development literature for two main reasons. The instrumental reason relates to its potential to contribute to a variety of development goals, from poverty reduction to human development to economic growth. The intrinsic reason is its potential to transform the lives of women and girls by addressing gender inequalities on a wide variety of fronts.DocumentPaid work, women’s empowerment and inclusive growth: Transforming the structures of constraint
UN Women, 2013Drawing on household survey data collected in Egypt, Ghana and Bangladesh as part of the Pathways of Women’s Empowerment Consortium, this report provides insights into the ‘resource’ pathways that enhance women’s agency and thereby contribute to the inclusiveness of the economic growth process.DocumentPaid work, women’s empowerment and inclusive growth: Transforming the structures of constraint
UN Women, 2013Drawing on household survey data collected in Egypt, Ghana and Bangladesh as part of the Pathways of Women’s Empowerment Consortium, this report provides insights into the ‘resource’ pathways that enhance women’s agency and thereby contribute to the inclusiveness of the economic growth process.DocumentA continuation of violations: military policy towards human rights defenders
Nazra for Feminist Studies, 2011This report presents an overview of the risks Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRDs) have faced in Egypt under the regime of both Hosni Mubarak and the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). It looks at high profile as well as lesser-known activists’ experiences before offering recommendations for the Egyptian government.Pages
