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Chinese economic and trade co-operation zones in Africa: the case of Mauritius
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2011While the promotion of Chinese economic and trade co-operation zones (ETCZs) has been hailed as an instrument for attracting Chinese investment into all sectors across Africa, the bulk of ETCZs to date have been targeted at the continent’s resource–rich countries and the largest markets. The JinFei ETCZ on the small, resource–poor island of Mauritius is a notable exception.DocumentIndia, China and the Nathu La: realizing the potential of a border trade
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, India, 2013Today, Nathu La has become the only border trade post linking India’s Northeast with Southwest China. However, there is a huge different between the potential of trade and the actual performance.DocumentIndia, China and the Nathu La: understanding Beijing’s larger strategy towards the region
Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, India, 2013Nathu La is a mountain pass in the Himalayas and connects the Indian state of Sikkim with China's Tibet Autonomous Region. As one of the three open trading border posts between China and India, Natula La’s infrastructure are of great importance.DocumentThe evolving nature of Chinese telecommunications investment in the DRC
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2011ZTE was the first Chinese company to invest in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) telecommunications sector, acquiring a majority shareholding in mobile phone operator, Congo Chine Télécoms (CCT), in 2000.DocumentThe Zambia–China Cooperation Zone at a crossroads: what now?
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2011The Zambia–China Cooperation Zone (ZCCZ) was the first Chinese economic and trade co-operation zone to be established in Africa. The project emerged from converging interests on both sides: China’s interest in Zambia’s copper reservoirs and Lusaka’s desire to develop a manufacturing base around its mining sector.DocumentWill Chinese trade preferences aid African LDCs?
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2014Trade and investment drive China’s headline relations with African states. Sino-African trade has grown more than tenfold since 1995, and China is now the continent’s third-largest export market. As is well known, Beijing’s interest in Africa is principally about securing primary products – energy especially – for its growing economy.DocumentThe burdens of multilateral engagement and club diplomacy for middle-income countries: the case of South Africa in the Brics and the G-20
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2012South Africa is a member of both the G-20 and the BRICS, which is a significant positioning for the country’s global strategy. This further enhances the country’s weight as Africa’s powerhouse. This membership occurs at a time when global governance is in a sustained state of flux, with no discernible leadership anchorage.DocumentThe BRICS in the emerging global economic architecture
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2012For more than 10 years South Africa has been part of a group of countries, invariably including China, India and Brazil, responsible for forming the elements that have the potential of altering the dynamics of several multilateral processes. But South Africa’s inclusion in the BRICS has not been without its controversies.DocumentThe rise of China's state-led media dynasty in Africa
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2012The Chinese government is using the media for diplomacy, bringing a new, competitive element to influence states. China is actively introducing its culture and values, and distributing favourable images through its media to achieve its goals of reducing fears of its military strength, developing closer relations with developing nations and expanding its international influence.DocumentChina’s growing involvement in Chad: escaping enclosure?
South African Institute of International Affairs, 2012Relations between Chad and China have expanded and deepened since diplomatic ties were resumed in August 2006. Growing links have been underpinned by Chinese oil development operations, epitomised by the Rônier refinery project.Pages
